The 1992 Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair

In the introduction to the 1992 Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair catalogue, the organizers of the event predicted that art in China would turn toward the market, that commercial investment would replace state sponsorship, that commercial enterprises would replace state-sponsored cultural organizations, and that a new system of legitimization and value based on academic criteria, legal contracts, and monetary reward would replace the bureaucratic and often compromised judging process favored by the state.1See May 11, 1992, preface to the catalogue for the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair, unpaginated. The catalogue’s Chinese title is Zhongguo Guangzhou shoujie jiushi niandai: yishu shuangnianzhan youhua bufen zuopin wenxian. Please note that the term “Art Fair” does not appear in the Chinese title of this catalogue, only in the original English title, which is The First 1990s’ [sicBiennial Art Fair Guangzhou, China, Oil Painting Section, Documentary Works. For the purpose of this essay, the authors have standardized the English title of the exhibition.

These were bold claims at a time when there was almost no commercial market for Chinese contemporary art. And they were backed up by a bold experiment—an exhibition of work by more than 350 artists, most of whom were under the age of forty. All of the artwork in the exhibition was available for sale, and, in addition, the artists who made the top twenty-seven artworks, as judged by a youthful group of jurors, were eligible to receive large cash rewards.2Critics involved in the selection of the work included Zhu Bin, Shao Hong, Yi Ying, Yuan Shanchun, Pi Daojian, Peng De, Yang Li, Huang Zhuan, and Yin Shuangxi. See Lü Peng, Zhongguo dangdai yishushi, 1990–1999 [A history of modern Chinese art: 1990–1999], 127. These awards ranged from 10,000 RMB for third place to 50,000 RMB for first place, an extraordinary amount of money at a time when few Chinese citizens made more than 3,000 RMB a year.3See “Guangzhou shoujie jiushi niandai yishu shuangnianzhan youhua bufen huojiang zuopin fenggao” [Announcement of the award-winning artwork of the First 1990s’ Guangzhou Biennial, Oil Painting Section], Yishu shichang [Art and market], no. 6 (1992): 67. Also see World Bank GPD per capita statistics, accessed February 28, 2015, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.CD?page=4

Called the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair (“Art Fair” is missing from the Chinese title), this exhibition took place in a hotel in the southern Chinese capital of Guangdong Province from October 8 to October 28, 1992.4See Lü Peng, interview by author, Chengdu, October 16, 2006. Also see numerous primary documents in the Lü Peng Archive at Asia Art Archive, Hong Kong, including the invitation card, exhibition application, sponsorship documents, contracts, jury statements, press material, and photographs. It was launched with start-up funds provided by a Chengdu-based entrepreneur whose company made car parts, and its goal was to make a profit.

The Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair was prescient. It foresaw the development of an active art market for contemporary Chinese oil painting. It anticipated the art fairs and their not-so-distant cousins, the domestic biennials that sprang up all over China and other parts of Asia in the late 1990s and early 2000s. But it also launched a virulent debate that continues to this day.

Did the art market offer contemporary artists a credible alternative to the state system of control in the wake of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen tragedy, when experimental art was barred from most government-sponsored venues and media platforms? Did this alternative system open a new space for legitimization of and support for artists looking for independence and a measure of personal freedom? Or was commerce a contaminant that lured artists with the promise of short-term financial rewards, sapping art of its criticality and edge, as many critics have contended, then and now? Did it strengthen the hands of foreign buyers with their greater purchasing power, thus unduly influencing artistic taste and trends?

By most accounts, the experiment failed to achieve its goals. From the perspective of today, the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair could be construed as an overly literal response to Deng Xiaoping’s call to accelerate economic reform after his famous 1992 tour of southern China, which has been encapsulated in the catchphrase “To get rich is glorious.”5That Deng Xiaoping, preeminent leader of the People’s Republic of China from the 1970s to the 1990s, said “To get rich is glorious” has never been confirmed. But the phrase has frequently been used in the press and particularly among Western writers to describe the ethos of entrepreurship that was encouraged by the Chinese state and developed in the wake of a series of economic reforms that began in the late 1970s and accelerated through the 1980s and 1990s. Even one of the main organizers, Chengdu-based art writer and cultural entrepreneur Lü Peng, has admitted that his goals were unrealistic, even naive. The timing was premature, the structure of the project was flawed, and the company that provided its main support went bankrupt.6With start-up funds provided by entrepreneur Luo Haiquan, the Xishu Art Company was established to fund the operations of the Guangzhou Biennial. However, when expenses exceeded the overly optimistic revenue projections, the Xishu Art Company was unable to meet its obligations, resulting in a lawsuit. See page 248, Jane DeBevoise, Between State and Market: Chinese Contemporary Art in the Post-Mao Era, and documents in the Lü Peng Archive at Asia Art Archive, Hong Kong. Its prematurity and flawed execution aside, the exhibition’s basic premise was resisted by many in the art world. Contemporary artists created performances to express their displeasure. Two participants sprayed Lysol throughout the exhibition to disinfect the “contaminated” space.7See Wang Lin, Zhongguo: Bajiuhou yishu [China: Post-’89 art]. (Hong Kong: Yishu chaoliu zazhishe,1997): 92. Another distributed bogus shares in a commercial art company named after himself.8See “Sun Ping gupiao youxian gongsi zai Guangzhou faxing gupiao” [Sun Ping Company issues shares in Guangzhou],  Guangdong meisujia [Guangdong artists], no. 2 (1993): 49. And preeminent art critic Li Xianting reportedly became so disturbed after attending the opening event that he wept.9See Wang Lin, Zhongugo: Bajiuhou yishu [China: Post-’89 art]. (Hong Kong: Yishu chaoliu zazhishe,1997): 92–93. Other criticisms were aimed at the Biennial’s provincialism. Many of the participants, including the organizers, judges, and artists came from the southern and southwestern provinces of China, a bias that some critics saw as unbalanced and limiting.10Yi Ying, “Chao weiping feng zhaqi,” [The wind picks up when the tide is still in]. Beijing qingnianbao [Beijing youth daily], October 15, 1992, 4–5. Also see Geremie Barmé, “Artful Marketing”, In the Red: On Contemporary Chinese Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999): 218.

However, there were certain central issues that most young critics agreed upon. First, it was time to establish an alternative system of legitimization of and support for contemporary art, one based on critical and academic analysis rather than on bureaucratic and political credentials required by the state. And second, as Lü Peng asserted in a 1992 article in the magazine Art and Market, this alternative system and the standards underlying its voracity should be determined by the Chinese people themselves.11See Lü Peng “Biaozhun bixu you Zhongguoren ziji lai que ding” [Standards should be established by Chinese people themselves], Yishu shichang, no. 7 (1992): 18–19. China’s state-sponsored cultural apparatus was stifling and the hyper-conservatism of the prevailing standards of politically correct art were a constant irritant. Nevertheless, in the minds of these idealists, the emergence of buyers from outside China was also irritating, as they were considered equally misguided, patronizing artists many young critics deemed unworthy.12See Ye Yongqing “Zhiyou Zhongguo ren caineng zujin Zhongguo yishu shichang de jianli: Yishujia Ye Yongqing 1991 nian 9 yue 12 ri gei Lü Peng de xin” [Only Chinese people can establish a Chinese art market: A letter to Lü Peng from Ye Yongqing dated September 12, 1991], Yishu shichang, no. 2 (1991): 3.

Criticizing foreign patronage of the arts was not new. As early as 1979, then–Chairman of the Chinese Artists Association Jiang Feng inveighed against the degrading influence of foreign buyers on the production of artists who, he wrote, were churning out inferior works in pursuit of material gain.13See Jiang Feng, “Guanyu Zhongguohua wenti de yifeng xin” [A letter about the problem of Chinese painting], Meishu [Art], no. 12 (1979): 10–11. Although not the first to identify these pernicious tendencies, the organizers of the Guangzhou Biennial were among the first to attempt to construct a serious domestic system of support for experimental art, one based on domestic financial support and patrons, a domestic legal structure and contracts, and standards determined by local professionals, in particular young academicians and critics.

These aspirations, which were at once professional and nationalistic, again anticipated the development later in the decade. For example, Zhang Qing in the preface of the catalogue of the 2000 Shanghai Biennale railed against “patrons from embassy districts and galleries hosted by foreigners” who “exerted a strong aesthetic influence on local artists who were kept busy producing lucrative ‘new paintings for export’ with amazing speed and quantity.”14Zhang Qing, “Beyond Left and Right: Transformation of the Shanghai Biennale, ” Shanghai Biennale 2000, unpaginated. In this preface Zhang also expressed heightened concerns about the international biennale circuit that had developed apace during the 1990s and worried that if the Chinese did not take action, “the yardstick . . . for admission would be held exclusively in foreign curators’ hands.”15Zhang Qing, “Beyond Left and Right: Transformation of the Shanghai Biennale,”  Shanghai Biennale 2000, unpaginated. In Zhang’s mind the 2000 Shanghai Biennale was a serious attempt, like the Guangzhou Biennale had been eight years before, to “reshape the existing exhibition system,” and to develop critera determined by Chinese (and Asian) scholars.16Zhang Qing, “Beyond Left and Right: Transformation of the Shanghai Biennale,” Shanghai Biennale 2000, unpaginated.

In hindsight, that the Guangzhou Biennale failed to achieve its unrealistic aspirations is understandable. The disparity in purchasing power between China and other industrialized countries was, in the 1990s, too great to overcome, such that, along with the exorable wave of global capital, Chinese products including art were swept offshore to Japan, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the wealthier West. And it is only now, in the 2010s, that this tide might be turning, at least in the art world.17If the price of art at auction can be used as a yardstick, in at least one study, sales in China of contemporary art at auction surpassed the U.S. art market, totaling 601 million euros in 2014, versus 552 million euros in the U.S. See Contemporary Art Market 2014: The Artprice Annual Report, 21, accessed February 28, 2015, http://imgpublic.artprice.com/pdf/artprice-contemporary-2013-2014-en.pdf But despite its multiple failures, the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair did anticipate the importance of the role of the burgeoning art market in the development of contemporary Chinese art and succeeded in offering some experimental artists (mostly painters working in oil) an alternative to the state system of support that had previously controlled art’s production, circulation, and value. In this regard, it is interesting to note that works by ten of the top twenty-seven prizewinners of the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair—Zeng Fanzhi, Zhang Xiaogang, Zhou Chunya, Wang Guangyi, Ye Yongqing, Leng Jun, Mo Yan, Mao Xuhui, Shu Qun, and Guan Ce—regularly go for top prices in today’s international auction market.18Ibid. See the appendix entitled “Top Contemporary Artists (2013/2014),” unpaginated. Of the one hundred top-performing contemporary artists (by auction turnover), forty-seven were Chinese, with Zeng Fanzhi ranking number four, Zhang Xiaogang number ten, Zhou Chunya number twelve, and Wang Guangyi number eighty-four. Other Guangzhou Biennial award-winning artists have also performed well, with Ye Yongping at number 107, Leng Jun at number 157, Mo Yan number 230, Mao Xuhui number 341, Shu Qun number 391, and Guan Ce number 441. And further, although it did not forestall the threat of moving Chinese contemporary art offshore and into the hands of foreign buyers, the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair did give tangible shape to the desire among many artists and art practitioners to establish an independent and domestic art infrastructure based on local scholarship, local critical discourse, and local patronage, a project that continues today to be a complicated but important work in process.





  • 1
    See May 11, 1992, preface to the catalogue for the Guangzhou Biennial Art Fair, unpaginated. The catalogue’s Chinese title is Zhongguo Guangzhou shoujie jiushi niandai: yishu shuangnianzhan youhua bufen zuopin wenxian. Please note that the term “Art Fair” does not appear in the Chinese title of this catalogue, only in the original English title, which is The First 1990s’ [sicBiennial Art Fair Guangzhou, China, Oil Painting Section, Documentary Works. For the purpose of this essay, the authors have standardized the English title of the exhibition.
  • 2
    Critics involved in the selection of the work included Zhu Bin, Shao Hong, Yi Ying, Yuan Shanchun, Pi Daojian, Peng De, Yang Li, Huang Zhuan, and Yin Shuangxi. See Lü Peng, Zhongguo dangdai yishushi, 1990–1999 [A history of modern Chinese art: 1990–1999], 127.
  • 3
    See “Guangzhou shoujie jiushi niandai yishu shuangnianzhan youhua bufen huojiang zuopin fenggao” [Announcement of the award-winning artwork of the First 1990s’ Guangzhou Biennial, Oil Painting Section], Yishu shichang [Art and market], no. 6 (1992): 67. Also see World Bank GPD per capita statistics, accessed February 28, 2015, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.CD?page=4
  • 4
    See Lü Peng, interview by author, Chengdu, October 16, 2006. Also see numerous primary documents in the Lü Peng Archive at Asia Art Archive, Hong Kong, including the invitation card, exhibition application, sponsorship documents, contracts, jury statements, press material, and photographs.
  • 5
    That Deng Xiaoping, preeminent leader of the People’s Republic of China from the 1970s to the 1990s, said “To get rich is glorious” has never been confirmed. But the phrase has frequently been used in the press and particularly among Western writers to describe the ethos of entrepreurship that was encouraged by the Chinese state and developed in the wake of a series of economic reforms that began in the late 1970s and accelerated through the 1980s and 1990s.
  • 6
    With start-up funds provided by entrepreneur Luo Haiquan, the Xishu Art Company was established to fund the operations of the Guangzhou Biennial. However, when expenses exceeded the overly optimistic revenue projections, the Xishu Art Company was unable to meet its obligations, resulting in a lawsuit. See page 248, Jane DeBevoise, Between State and Market: Chinese Contemporary Art in the Post-Mao Era, and documents in the Lü Peng Archive at Asia Art Archive, Hong Kong.
  • 7
    See Wang Lin, Zhongguo: Bajiuhou yishu [China: Post-’89 art]. (Hong Kong: Yishu chaoliu zazhishe,1997): 92.
  • 8
    See “Sun Ping gupiao youxian gongsi zai Guangzhou faxing gupiao” [Sun Ping Company issues shares in Guangzhou],  Guangdong meisujia [Guangdong artists], no. 2 (1993): 49.
  • 9
    See Wang Lin, Zhongugo: Bajiuhou yishu [China: Post-’89 art]. (Hong Kong: Yishu chaoliu zazhishe,1997): 92–93.
  • 10
    Yi Ying, “Chao weiping feng zhaqi,” [The wind picks up when the tide is still in]. Beijing qingnianbao [Beijing youth daily], October 15, 1992, 4–5. Also see Geremie Barmé, “Artful Marketing”, In the Red: On Contemporary Chinese Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999): 218.
  • 11
    See Lü Peng “Biaozhun bixu you Zhongguoren ziji lai que ding” [Standards should be established by Chinese people themselves], Yishu shichang, no. 7 (1992): 18–19.
  • 12
    See Ye Yongqing “Zhiyou Zhongguo ren caineng zujin Zhongguo yishu shichang de jianli: Yishujia Ye Yongqing 1991 nian 9 yue 12 ri gei Lü Peng de xin” [Only Chinese people can establish a Chinese art market: A letter to Lü Peng from Ye Yongqing dated September 12, 1991], Yishu shichang, no. 2 (1991): 3.
  • 13
    See Jiang Feng, “Guanyu Zhongguohua wenti de yifeng xin” [A letter about the problem of Chinese painting], Meishu [Art], no. 12 (1979): 10–11.
  • 14
    Zhang Qing, “Beyond Left and Right: Transformation of the Shanghai Biennale, ” Shanghai Biennale 2000, unpaginated.
  • 15
    Zhang Qing, “Beyond Left and Right: Transformation of the Shanghai Biennale,”  Shanghai Biennale 2000, unpaginated.
  • 16
    Zhang Qing, “Beyond Left and Right: Transformation of the Shanghai Biennale,” Shanghai Biennale 2000, unpaginated.
  • 17
    If the price of art at auction can be used as a yardstick, in at least one study, sales in China of contemporary art at auction surpassed the U.S. art market, totaling 601 million euros in 2014, versus 552 million euros in the U.S. See Contemporary Art Market 2014: The Artprice Annual Report, 21, accessed February 28, 2015, http://imgpublic.artprice.com/pdf/artprice-contemporary-2013-2014-en.pdf
  • 18
    Ibid. See the appendix entitled “Top Contemporary Artists (2013/2014),” unpaginated. Of the one hundred top-performing contemporary artists (by auction turnover), forty-seven were Chinese, with Zeng Fanzhi ranking number four, Zhang Xiaogang number ten, Zhou Chunya number twelve, and Wang Guangyi number eighty-four. Other Guangzhou Biennial award-winning artists have also performed well, with Ye Yongping at number 107, Leng Jun at number 157, Mo Yan number 230, Mao Xuhui number 341, Shu Qun number 391, and Guan Ce number 441.

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「人人都有權利拒絕成為藝術家」—與吳山專對話

上海,2014年6月30日 與談人,編輯: 李雨潔 文稿整理: 陳聆 Read the English version here. 1993年的海外展覽—把給藝術的材料費放到銀行裡 李雨潔: 1988年的時候你就曾經有作品在漢堡展覽,這個是怎麼發生的? 吳山專: 我是1986年從浙江美院畢業的,畢業我就回到我的小島——舟山群島普陀山那裡。我們學校1984年以後一直有一個對外的交流項目,主要的還是跟美國明尼蘇達的,那偶然地也跟歐洲合作。1987年的時候,他們請到了一個德國的資本主義現實主義的人物K.P. Brehmer,他來學校給我們學生講西方藝術史。當時范小梅老師做接待,他打電話來舟山,說,這裡有個漢堡美術學院的,他對你東西感興趣,然後我就帶了一疊幻燈片,從舟山到杭州,見到K.P. Brehmer,他說他可以做一個展覽,這個後來實踐了。 李雨潔: 所以你本人沒去佈展? 吳山專: 沒有。展覽在漢堡紅燈區的Galerie Vorsetzen,這個時候K.P. Brehmer已經是這個畫廊的持股人,所以他才有一定的決定權,做一些中國當時的藝術。另外那時候中德也常有一些交流,在一個政治的平台上, 畫廊也會做一些關於中國的展覽,那麼我就變成了《 3 x China…》的其中一個參展藝術家。 李雨潔: 你參展的作品是什麼呢? 吳山專: 我不知道作品是怎樣呈現的,他看了一疊幻燈片,然後抽出五六張帶回德國去了。如果做一個展覽的話,我想,我的作品應該是以印出來的方式呈現。 李雨潔: 你93年參加了好多展覽,那包括了那些最大的在香港的《後89中國新藝術》,柏林的《中國前衛》,還有在俄亥俄大學Wexner Center的展覽,這些是比較大的群展。 吳山專: 對,這個時候中國當代藝術好像很熱門,每個人都做一點,丹麥做了一點嘛那麼英國也要做一點,德國也要做一點,整個歐洲的一些國家都要做一點,然後Wexner Center也要做一點嘛。但是都不是主流的博物館做的,蠻有意思的。 李雨潔: 你參加了這麼多在那一年的展覽, 都在不同的地方,作為一個當時所謂中國前衛藝術家的代表,你覺得每個機構說故事的方法有什麼不一樣? 吳山專: 他們最主要的一個態度:A Package。那麼其實藝術家也知道我們只是一整組其中的一個,是一個集合。他們說故事的方式其實完全一樣。造成參展人數不同的原因有很多,一個可能是資金問題,一個可能當時簽證也很難拿到。 李雨潔: 你本人去了哪裡佈展? 吳山專: 去了威尼斯,丹麥,荷蘭,美國。 李雨潔: 你第一次去威尼斯雙年展的感覺是什麼? 吳山專: 在第一屆的威尼斯可能作為組合中的一份子的感覺還少一點,我參加的是開放展 Aperto。93年威尼斯雙年展有兩個項目展出了中國藝術家的作品,一個Oliva (Achille Bonito Oliva) 組織的《東方之路》( Passaggio ad Oriente),另一個是《開放展》 (Aperto) 。開放展的那個策展團隊當中有孔長安,已經開始由他者來呈現,其實很了不起了,開放展大概有十個小的策展人, Oliva跟大家一起選。孔長安可以推薦三個,之後Oliva定,華人選了我,王友身,還有台灣來的李銘盛。 李雨潔: 你們三個是孔長安提進去的? 吳山專: 對,所以說跟東方之路是兩回事。Oliva還是有一點NGO的這種態度,這種包容力蠻不錯的。我的作品是《把給藝術的材料費放到銀行裡面》。當時運輸單位來拿作品,他說,我們到漢堡來取一件作品,名字叫做《把藝術的材料費放到銀行》,他以為是一個實體作品。其實那個作品是把威尼斯雙年展給我的錢放到銀行裡。 李雨潔: 他們真的去取了? 吳山專: 運輸公司是跟主委會是沒關係的嘛,運輸公司只是收到通知,漢堡有一件作品是《把給藝術的錢放到銀行》,但其實它是呈現藝術家跟社會的關係。就是說我在一個地方收到邀請,說是給我作藝術,給我材料費,結果我把材料費放到銀行裡,然後砸爛這個銀行的收據。那當然在93年來說的話,這個作品是非常傑出的,作者本人完全脫離了責任,同時這個行為又非常徹底。好比杜象也一直在逃離一種責任。我後來聽說,大概前前一屆的Documenta吧,有一個人做了一模一樣的作品:《把給藝術的錢放在銀行》,好幾個人告訴我這件事。我當年做的其實是三個方案中最後實行的一件,第一個是把展覽的空間租掉,第二件是把給藝術的材料費放到銀行裡, 第三件是就地打工以生存。所以說,從這三個方案,你就看到一個藝術家的生存問題多重要,這個藉口多麼地強大,以至於可以成為藝術品。 今天看來我還是很高興的,在93年的時候做成了這個三個方案。 李雨潔: 你怎麼呈現它們? 吳山專: 《把給藝術的材料費放到銀行》就是object…

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